Vol 1, No 1 (2025): De-centre: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies

South African universities, while shaped by a progressive constitutional ethos, remain deeply influenced by the historical and socio-cultural legacy of gender inequality. This study explores how students at Howard College, University of KwaZulu-Natal, conceptualise gender roles, identities, and stereotypes within a context of entrenched norms and evolving ideals. Using interpretive qualitative methodology, semi-structured interviews were conducted with students across various faculties to explore their understandings, and experiences of masculinities, femininities, and gender-related "toxic" traits in university spaces. The study involved 26 participants, selected through purposive and snowball sampling, comprising 20 undergraduate and six postgraduate students aged 18 to 26. Findings suggest that students view gender identities as socially constructed but still constrained by traditional binary, and prescriptive expectations. Socialising agents such as family, media, religion, and education were identified as key to shaping these norms. While the participants acknowledged the concept of gender fluidity, they also highlighted the persistence of rigid binaries, reflecting a tension between recognising fluidity and living within entrenched categories. Genderedinequalities were often framed in interpersonal terms, such as "toxic" behaviours, which risk overshadowing the deeper structural legacies of patriarchy and apartheid that continue to influence gendered power dynamics in South Africa. This study contributes to understanding how young people in higher education both reproduce and resist dominant gender discourses while navigating the psychological dissonance created by contradictory messages of equality and hierarchy. It emphasises the need for gender sensitisation and media literacy in higher education, alongside institutional action to address gendered power dynamics. Such interventions can challenge restrictive norms, address cultural and structural inequalities, and foster more inclusive debates on masculinity and femininity in South Africa.

New media and digital technologies have revolutionised how social movements and peacebuilding are organised, communicated and sustained. New-media has provided platforms for advocacy, mobilisation and resistance. While contemporary digital tools offer platforms for community knowledge sharing, they threaten inclusivity, equity and safety in online and offline spaces. The digital age has amplified gendered challenges, exacerbating inequalities, violence and systemic exclusions that hinder women and marginalised groups' participation in digital activism and peace efforts. This paper explores the intersections of gender, technology and activism, critically examining how new-media is a site for empowerment and oppression. An  examination of how women and LGBTQI+  individuals navigate digital activism and peacebuilding amid rising online harassment, misinformation, algorithmic discrimination and structural inequalities cannot be negated. Via an intersectional lens, this paper explores the role of gender in digital peacebuilding, addressing key issues such as cybersecurity threats against women activists, gender-based violence in virtual spaces, the digital divide and exclusion of vulnerable voices. The paper highlights innovative strategies employed by feminist and grassroots movements to leverage digital storytelling, artificial intelligence and social media to counter oppression, advocate for justice and foster sustainable peace. By engaging with critical debates at the intersection of gender, technology and peacebuilding, this paper broadens discussions on the risks and possibilities of digital spaces. A significant transformation in content creation, increasingly intersecting with activism, positioning individuals as storytellers and agents of social change. In evolving digital landscapes, communicators must comply with digital codes of conduct to ensure narratives are responsibly crafted for accessibility, ethically grounded and inclusive. Challenging and redressing omissions and biases perpetuated by mainstream media is essential. The paper argues for inclusive policy-driven and community-based solutions to ensure that new-media can be an intervention for empowerment, mitigating gendered marginalisation.

Social media has transformed activism by facilitating the mobilisation of support, enabling challenges to power structures, and influencing public discourse. The #EndSARS movement in Nigeria, which protested police brutality and governance failures, demonstrated the efficacy of hashtag activism as a form of digital advocacy. This study examines the role of digital literacy in promoting engagement, mobilisation strategies, and participation in the #EndSARS protest. It specifically analyses the use of Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram by digitally literate users for organising protests, disseminating real-time information, and countering misinformation. Employing qualitative content analysis of social media posts, digital campaign materials, and online discussions, this study investigates the role of digital literacy in message framing, audience engagement, and the overall sustainability of the movement. Individuals with higher digital literacy typically create mission-driven content that fosters significant engagement, using diverse media and algorithmic visibility to enhance content reach.  However, the long-term success of the movement was hindered by challenges such as internet censorship, the digital divide, and state-sponsored misinformation campaigns. This research contributes to academic discussions on digital activism, online political participation, digital literacy, and social movements through its educational and community profile. It underscores the necessity of structured digital literacy curricula that enhance civic engagement and equip grassroots activists with essential digital skills.

With the rise of social media in the digital age, new and more effective channels for delivering public health awareness messages have emerged. This study examines the exposure of the youth to health-related skits on social media and the appeals used to communicate messages that influence viewership and social behaviour. Media Richness Theory serves as the theoretical framework. The study reveals that social media skits effectively communicate health messages, with 72% of respondents reporting the adoption of positive health behaviours and 69.1% indicating that skits helped them discontinue negative health habits. The findings also highlight that fear-based appeals in skits are particularly effective in deterring harmful behaviours (74%), while humour appeals make respondents more receptive to health messages (63.7%). Despite the uncertainty regarding the credibility of information in skits, a vast majority (91.4%) believe that professional health organisations should utilise skits as a medium for dissemination of public health campaigns. The study concludes that social media skits are promising tool for promoting health awareness. It recommends that health bodies and public health communication authorities should leverage the power of humour to enhance public health message retention and impact. Additionally, skit content creator through collaboration with health experts should ensure the generation of credible skits.

Social media has revolutionised youth participation in protests and has developed into a tool for peacebuilding, presenting a means for youth mobilisation, and political engagement. Nonetheless, social media also poses concerns like misinformation, radicalism and has recently forced governance surveillance. While there is much interest in how social media drives protests, there are limited studies focusing on how digital platforms influence peacebuilding activities along protest participation, particularly in the Nigerian context. Therefore, this study investigates the impact of social media on youth participation in protests and digital peacebuilding in Nigeria using the social movement theory and uses and gratifications theory. The study investigates how social media shapes youth participation in protests; examines how social media influence youth participation in digital peacebuilding; assesses the challenges of using social media for peacebuilding and reviews the impacts of social media on peacebuilding in protest contexts. Existing studies suggest that social media has transformed youth participation in protests, facilitating rapid mobilisation and organisation of youths, while also slowing down the influence of traditional media. It will also highlight critical risks that require immediate action. Social media also helps drive and promote inclusiveness in nation building and peace agendas. Nevertheless, challenges such as online opposition, hate speech, governmental scrutiny and tracking, and digital exhaustion threaten its benefits. The study recommends the prioritisation of digital literateness, online autonomy, and free speech while eschewing online intimidation.

In this mixed-method study, which employed strain theory and routine activities theory (RAT) as the theoretical framework, surveys and interviews were conducted with 382 respondents and 10 participants, respectively. The research explored the causes, consequences, and solutions related to online advance fee fraud (OAFF), also known as "419 scams." The primary drivers identified by respondents were unemployment (33.8%), poverty (21.2%), and the allure of easy money, as well as low detection risks, weak regulatory oversight, peer pressure, and poor societal values. It is estimated that victims suffer substantial financial losses (64.1%), emotional trauma (46.6%), and a loss of trust (52.6%), whereas governments suffer financial losses (63.6%), tainted law enforcement (60.7%), and reputational damage (71.4%). As a result of these incidents, companies suffer financial losses (99.5%), reputational losses (74.8%), and customer trust losses (78.7%). Youth empowerment, employment opportunities, awareness raising, partnership with stakeholders, and increased EFCC monitoring were identified as key interventions by respondents. The importance of public vigilance, self-control, avoiding greed, and whistleblowing was emphasised as preventative measures. The study highlighted the evolving nature of OAFF, presently amplified by artificial intelligence and deep-fake technology, which calls for not only socio-economic remedies, but also strong technological, legal, and collective action to counter its increasing impact on individuals, governments, and businesses.

This paper critically examines the concept of linguistic slavery as a postcolonial reality in Nigeria, where the continued dominance of the English language reflects and reinforces a deep-seated legacy of colonialism. Since Nigeria gained political independence in 1960, the colonial language (English) remains the primary medium of education, governance, commerce, media, religion, and public discourse. This paper explores how this linguistic hegemony took root during British colonisation and was further entrenched by post-independence state policies and elite attitudes that prefer the English over indigenous languages. The discussion begins by tracing the colonial foundation of Nigeria’s linguistic hierarchy, highlighting how education policies, missionary efforts, and administrative systems systematically displaced indigenous languages. The analysis then moves to the postcolonial entrenchment of English as the language of power and prestige, with emphasis on its role in education, media, politics, and religious practice. The paper further interrogates the psychosocial implications of linguistic marginalisation, including identity crises, cultural alienation, and internalised inferiority complexes, especially among Nigerian youth. In response to these challenges, the paper presents a multi-pronged strategy for linguistic reclamation. It outlines critical pathways such as mother tongue education reform, legislative advocacy for language rights, community-driven revitalisation initiatives, and the use of digital and creative media to revalorise indigenous languages. Drawing on both local case studies and global best practices from multilingual societies like South Africa and New Zealand, the paper emphasises the urgent need for a linguistically inclusive national policy. Ultimately, the paper calls for decolonised linguistic future where indigenous languages are not relics of the past but vibrant instruments of identity, knowledge, and nation-building. This paper therefore advocates for collective action across governmental, educational, and community levels to restore Nigeria’s linguistic sovereignty and cultural dignity.