The iconography of persuasion: An analysis of political manifestos and messaging of top three parties in South Africa’s 2019 elections

An analysis of political manifestos and messaging of top three parties in South Africa’s 2019 elections

Shepherd Mpofu
University of Limpopo
Trust Matsilele
Cape Peninsula University of Technology
Tawanda Nyawasha
University of Limpopo
Share:

How to Cite

The iconography of persuasion: An analysis of political manifestos and messaging of top three parties in South Africa’s 2019 elections. (2022). Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa, 40(1), 67-88. https://doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v40i1.1512
  • Articles
  • Submited: October 4, 2022
  • Published: October 5, 2022

Abstract

South Africa’s 2019 elections, like others before, will be remembered for the historical significance
around the ANC ruling party’s sharp decline in polls, the surging and re-emergence of the
ideologically extreme parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the Freedom Front Plus
(VF+). This election, for the first time since the rebranding of the main opposition, the Democratic
Alliance, saw that party losing its momentum, culminating in the eventual resignation of the party’s
first black leader, Mmusi Maimane. This study examines how the three dominant parties in South
Africa contest with each other in the race to attract potential voters through poster advertising and
campaigns. Going into the 2019 election, the three dominant political parties were – the African
National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).
Specifically, the paper examines messages on the posters, the parties’ manifestos and speeches
at different rallies before the elections. Drawing on our analysis, we make a claim in this paper
that the 2019 election in South Africa for the ANC, DA and EFF was largely about “unresolved
questions”.

References

  1. AFP (2019). Government condemns attacks against immigrants. Available from: https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/south-africa/2019-03-29-government-condemns-attacks-againstimmigrants/
  2. African National Congress (2019). Election Manifesto. Available from: https://voteanc.org.za/manifesto
  3. Aharony, N. (2012). Twitter use by three political leaders: An exploratory analysis. Online Information Review, 36(4): 587-603.
  4. https://doi.org/10.1108/14684521211254086
  5. Alexander, P. (2010). Rebellion of the poor: South Africa's service delivery protest - A preliminary analysis. Review of African Political Economy, 37(123): 25-40.
  6. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056241003637870
  7. Anon. (2015), Strong Egypt party (Hizb Misr al-Qawiyya). The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, 16 October.
  8. Ankomah, B. (2019). South Africa: Enough is enough. Available from: https://www.msn.com/enza/news/other/south-africa-enough-is-enough/ar-AABB4z3
  9. Atkin, C. & Heald, G., 1976. Effects of political advertising. Public Opinion Quarterly, 40(2): 216-228.
  10. https://doi.org/10.1086/268289
  11. Bardhan, P., Bowles, S, & Gintis, H. (1999). Wealth inequality, wealth constraints and economic performance. In Handbook on income distribution, edited by Atkinson, A. & Bourguignon F., 541-603. New York: Elsevier.
  12. https://doi.org/10.1016/S1574-0056(00)80013-5
  13. Barraclough, S.L. (1970). Agricultural policy and land reform. Journal of Political Economy, 78(4): 906-947.
  14. https://doi.org/10.1086/259683
  15. Benoit, W.L. & Sheafer, T. (2006). Functional theory and political discourse: Televised debates in Israel and the United States. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 83(2): 281-297.
  16. https://doi.org/10.1177/107769900608300204
  17. Berry, R.A. & Cline, W.R. (1979). Agrarian structure and productivity in developing countries: A study prepared for the International Labour Office within the framework of the World Employment Programme. Baltimore: John Hopkins University . Press.
  18. Bond, P. & Manyanya, M. (2012). Zimbabwe's plunge: Exhausted nationalism, neoliberalism and the search for social justice. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.
  19. Booysen, S. (2005). The Democratic Alliance: Progress and pitfalls. In Piambo, J. and Nijzink, L. (eds.) Electoral politics in South Africa: Assessing the first democratic decade, 129-139. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  20. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403978868_7
  21. Booysen, S. (2011). The African National Congress and the regeneration of political power. Johannesburg: Wits University Press.
  22. https://doi.org/10.26530/OAPEN_626380
  23. Carlson, T. (2017). Election posters in Finland: Cueing emotions with visual imagery. In Holtz-Bacha, C. & Johansson, B. (eds.) Election posters around the globe: Political campaigning in the public space, 115-137. New York: Springer.
  24. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32498-2_7
  25. Chibuwe, A. (2020). "I Am as Fit as a Fiddle": selling the Mugabe brand in the 2013 elections in Zimbabwe. Journal of Political Marketing, 19(3), 279-300.
  26. https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2017.1306822
  27. Clarke, M., & Bassett, C. (2016). The struggle for transformation in South Africa: Unrealised dreams, persistent hopes. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 34(2): 183-189.
  28. https://doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2016.1202501
  29. Comaroff, J. & Comaroff, J.L. (2000). Millennium capitalism: First thoughts on a second coming. Public Culture, 12(2): 291-343.
  30. https://doi.org/10.1215/08992363-12-2-291
  31. Democratic Alliance (2019). Manifesto. Available from: https://cdn.da.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/22160849/A4-Manifesto-Booklet-Digital.pdf
  32. Dezelan, T. & Maksuti, A. (2012). Slovenian election posters as a medium of political communication: An informative or persuasive campaign tool? Communication, Politics & Culture, 45: 140-159.
  33. Dumitrescu, D. (2009). The importance of being present: Election posters as signals of electoral strength, evidence from France and Belgium. Party Politics, 18(6): 941-960.
  34. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068810389644
  35. Economic Freedom Fighters. (2019). Election Manifesto. Available from: https://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/the-effs-2019-election-manifesto-iv
  36. Elo, S., Kääriäinen, M., Kanste, O., Pölkki, T, Utriainen, K., and Kyngäs, H. (2014). Quantitative content analysis: A focus on trustworthiness. Sage Open, 0(0): 1-10. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244014522633
  37. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244014522633
  38. Everratt, D. (2017). New survey data shows Zuma cost the ANC dearly in the 2016 election. Available from: https://www.wits.ac.za/news/latest-news/in-their-own-words/2017/2017-04/newsurvey-data-shows-zuma-cost-the-anc-dearly-in-the-2016-election.html
  39. Fay, D. & James, D. (eds.) (2008). The rights and wrongs of land restitution: "Restoring what was ours". London: Routledge.
  40. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203895498
  41. Feinberg, H.M. (1993). The 1913 Natives Land Act in South Africa: Politics, race, and segregation in the early 20th century. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26(1):65-109.
  42. https://doi.org/10.2307/219187
  43. Fourie, L.M. (2008). Election campaign posters: The case of South Africa. In Election posters around the globe: Political campaigning in the public space, edited by Holtz-Bacha, C. & Johansson, B., 279-298. New York: Springer Publishing.
  44. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32498-2_14
  45. Franz, M.M. & Ridout, T.N. (2007). Does political advertising persuade? Political Behavior, 29(4): 465-491.
  46. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-007-9032-y
  47. Goba, N. (2019). Ace Magashule denies he's racist. Sowetan Live. Available from: https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/south-africa/2019-04-16-ace-magashule-denies-hes-racist/
  48. Goldman, R. & Papson, S., {1996}. Sign wars: The cluttered landscape of advertising. New York: Guilford Press.
  49. Houston, J.B, McKinney, M.S, Hawthorne, J. & Spialek, M.L. (2013). Frequency of Tweeting during presidential debates: Effect on debate attitudes and knowledge. Communication Studies, 64(5): 548-560.
  50. https://doi.org/10.1080/10510974.2013.832693
  51. Hsieh, H. & Shannon, S.E. (2005). Three approaches to qualitative content analysis, Qualitative Health Research, 15(9): 1277-1288.
  52. https://doi.org/10.1177/1049732305276687
  53. Kaid, L.L. (ed.) (2004). Handbook of political communication research. London: Routledge.
  54. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781410610584
  55. Koenane, M.L.J. (2018). Ubuntu and philoxenia: Ubuntu and Christian worldviews as responses to xenophobia. HTS: Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies, 74(1): 2-8.
  56. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v74i1.4668
  57. Lahiff, E. (2017). "Willing buyer, willing seller": South Africa's failed experiment in market-led agrarian reform. Third World Quarterly, 28(8): 1577-1597.
  58. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436590701637417
  59. Lodge, T. (2014). Neo-patrimonial politics in the ANC. African Affairs, 113(450): 1-23.
  60. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adt069
  61. Makhanya, M. (25 March 2019). How will South Africans' (un)happiness affect the election? City Press Newspaper. Available from: https://city-press.news24.com/News/anc-list-be-careful-thepeople-are-angry-ramaphosa-20190408
  62. Mare, A. & Matsilele, T. (2020). Hybrid media systems and the July 2018 elections in "post-Mugabe" Zimbabwe. In Social Media and Election in Africa (Volume 1): Theoretical Perspectives and Campaigns, edited by Ndlela, M.N. & Mano, W., 147-176. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
  63. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30553-6_8
  64. Marrian, N. (2019). 2021: ANC, DA could lose metros. Mail & Guardian. Available from: https://mg.co.za/article/2019-05-17-00-2021-anc-da-could-lose-metros/
  65. Mbeki, T. (1998). Address to the National Assembly. Available from: http://www.dirco.gov.za/docs/speeches/1998/mbek0529.htm
  66. Morphy, R. (2019). South Africa should be reported to ICJ. Leadership. Available from: https://leadership.ng/2019/09/17/south-africa-should-be-reported-to-icj/
  67. Mottiar, S. & Bond, P. (2012). The politics of discontent and social protest in Durban. Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies, 39(3): 309-330.
  68. https://doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2012.746183
  69. Neocosmos, M. (2008). The politics of fear and the fear of politics: Reflections on xenophobic violence in South Africa. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 43(6): 586-594.
  70. https://doi.org/10.1177/0021909608096655
  71. Ojokwe, G.I. (2016). Political advert campaigns and voting behavior: Akinwumni Ambode's 2015 election campaign in Lagos State. Journal of African Elections, 15(2): 13-27.
  72. https://doi.org/10.20940/JAE/2016/v15i2a1
  73. Omarjee, L. (2017). ANC reaches resolution on land reform. News24. Available from: https://www.news24.com/fin24/Economy/anc-reaches-resolution-on-land-reform-20171220
  74. Piambo, J. & Nijzink, L. (2005). Electoral politics in South Africa: Assessing the first democratic decade. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  75. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403978868
  76. Qunta, C. (2016). Why we are not a nation. Cape Town: Sariti Sechaba Publishers.
  77. Ridout, T.N. & Searles, K. (2011). "It's my campaign, I'll cry if I want to": How and when campaigns use emotional appeals. Political Psychology, 32(3): 439-458.
  78. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00819.x
  79. Seekings, J. (2005). The electoral implications of social and economic change since 1994. In Electoral politics in South Africa: Assessing the first democratic decade, edited by Piambo, J. & Nijzink, L., 23-39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  80. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403978868_2
  81. Seekings, J., & Nattrass, N. (2015). Policy, politics and poverty in South Africa. New York: Springer.
  82. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137452696
  83. Seidman, S.A. (2008). Posters, propaganda, and persuasion in election campaigns around the world and through history. New York: Peter Lang.
  84. Sharndama, E.C.. & Mohammed, I. (2013). Stylistic analysis of selected political posters and slogans in Yola Metropolis of Adamawa State of Nigeria. Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 1(3): 60-68.
  85. Smith, R. (2017). Australian posters. In Election posters around the globe: Political campaigning in the public space, edited by Holtz-Bacha, C, & Johansson, B., 53-76. New York: Springer.
  86. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32498-2_4
  87. South African Government News Agency (2017). Measures in place to address triple challenges. Available from: https://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/measures-place-address-triplechallenges
  88. Southall, R. (2005). The "dominant party debate" in South Africa. Africa Spectrum, 40(1): 61-82.
  89. Stone, S. (8 April 2019). ANC list: Be careful, people are angry - Ramaphosa. City Press, Available from: https://city-press.news24.com/News/anc-list-be-careful-the-people-are-angryramaphosa-20190408
  90. Stuckey, M. (2017). American elections and the rhetoric of political change: Hyperbole, anger and hope in U.S. politics. Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 20(4): 667-694.
  91. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315126722
  92. Tandwa, L. (2019). Malema: "We don't want votes from xenophobic people". Available from: https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/malema-we-dont-want-votes-from-xenophobicpeople-20190331
  93. Tshuma, L.A. (2021). Political billboards, promise, and persuasion: An analysis of ZANU-PF's 2018 harmonized elections political campaign. Journal of Marketing Communications, 27(3), 307-321.
  94. https://doi.org/10.1080/13527266.2019.1683057
  95. Vavreck, L. (2009). The message matters: The economy and presidential campaigns. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  96. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400830480
How to Cite
The iconography of persuasion: An analysis of political manifestos and messaging of top three parties in South Africa’s 2019 elections. (2022). Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa, 40(1), 67-88. https://doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v40i1.1512

Send mail to Author


Send Cancel

Custom technologies based on your needs

  • ORCID
  • Crossref
  • PubMed
  • Clarivate