Change and Contradiction: Hungary’s Foreign Policy Across its 2011 and 2024 European Council Presidencies
Main Article Content
Abstract
This study traces the significant alterations in Hungary’s national identity and strategic culture between its 2011 and 2024 presidencies of the Council of the European Union, highlighting how these shifts have reshaped the country’s foreign policy orientation and behaviour in the international system. Situated against the backdrop of Hungary’s unique historical experiences—including the long shadow of Trianon, decades of communist rule, and the post-1991 imperative of Europeanization—the paper seeks to clarify how Hungary moved from a firmly Westward-leaning, Euro-Atlantic trajectory toward a more sovereignty-centred and identity-driven approach to diplomacy. The objective is to examine how these internal reconfigurations have informed Hungary’s contemporary foreign policy choices and the tensions they have produced within the EU. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative content analysis of core documents such as the Fundamental Law (2011) and Hungary’s post-presidency foreign policy programme, complemented by discourse analysis of speeches made by key decision makers, most notably Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. This mixed qualitative approach enables the systemic identification of recurring narratives and identity markers visibly shaping Hungarian foreign policy. The findings suggest that Hungary’s recent foreign policy conduct reflects not episodic populist opportunism but rather a coherent recalibration of strategic culture shaped by longstanding grievances, post-communist identity reconstruction, and a recognition of shifting global power realities. This recalibration is evident through policies such as the Eastern Opening, strategic neutrality in the Russia–Ukraine conflict, the securitization of migration and Hungary’s selective veto usage within EU and NATO frameworks. The study concludes that Hungary’s evolving foreign policy posture provides valuable insight into how identity, populism, and geopolitics intersect to redefine the external behaviour of small states within a transforming European and global order.
References
Amnesty International. (2015). Fenced out: Hungary’s violations of the rights of refugees and migrants. Amnesty International Publications.
Balázs, B. (2022). Governing populism – The discursive populism of Fidesz. In Aufstand der Außenseiter: Die Herausforderung der europäischen Politik durch den neuen Populismus (pp. 385–399). Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG.
Balázs, P. (2011). The first Hungarian EU Council presidency.
International Issues & Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs, 20(4), 3–14. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26590389
Balogh, A. (1998). The Hungarian national minorities in Hungarian foreign policy. Society and Economy in Central and
Eastern Europe, 20(1), 142–155. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/41468529
Balogh, P. (2022). Clashing geopolitical self-images? The strange co-existence of Christian bulwark and Eurasianism (Turanism) in Hungary. Eurasian Geography and Economics, 63(6), 726–752.
Baranyi, T. P. (2022). Hungary’s role in the Organization of Turkic States as an observer state: Limitations and opportunities. Perceptions, 27(1), 121–136.
Batt, J. (1990). The Hungarian general election.
Representation, 29(107), 7–11. https://doi. org/10.1080/00344899028438936
Benedek, M. (2015). Strategic culture: The facets of foreign policy and national security. Strategic Review, 14(3), 299–310.
Boros, F., & Bondor, A. (2002). Strategic targets of Hungarian foreign policy. Medzinárodné Otázky, 11(4), 25–46. http://www.jstor. org/stable/44963490
Bostdorff, D. M., & Goldzwig, S. R. (1994). Idealism and pragmatism in American foreign policy rhetoric: The case of John F. Kennedy and Vietnam. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 24(3), 515–530.
Carrera, S., Blockmans, S., Gros, D., & Guild, E. (2015). The EU’s response to the refugee crisis: Taking stock and setting policy priorities. Centre for European Policy Studies.
Connor, P. (2016). Number of refugees to Europe surges to record
3 million in 2015: Recent wave accounts for about one-in- ten asylum applications since 1985. Pew Research Center.
Council of the European Union, General Secretariat of the Council. (2024). The European Council and the Council of the European Union: The house of the member states. Publications Office of the European Union. https://doi.org/10.2860/44554
Csicsmann, L. (2020). The Hungarian foreign policy and the crisis of the liberal international order: Balancing between global powers and national interest. Vishchegradskaya Evropa, (3), 25–32.
Daher, R. (2020). Crisis on the edge of Europe: Migration and self-defense in Hungary. Journal of the Hungarian Migration Research Institute, 2, 37–60.
Dreisziger, N. (2003). The long shadow of Trianon: Hungarian alliance
policies during World War II. Hungarian Studies, 17(1).
Feledy, B. (2015). Hungarian foreign policy and the crisis in Ukraine.
In J. Kucharczyk & G. Mesežnikov (Eds.), Diverging voices, converging policies: The Visegrad states’ reactions to the Russia–Ukraine conflict (pp. 69–82). Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung.
Fekete, I. (2020). Unburied bodies – Hungarian national identity 1989–2020. Australian Journal of Politics and History, 66(3), 415–431. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12695
Földes, K. (2022). The “Hungarian model”: The dialectical relationship of the self and the other in the context of the 2015 refugee crisis. Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 30(3), 435–453.
Gebethner, S. (1997). Free elections and political parties in transition to democracy in Central and Southeastern Europe. International Political Science Review, 18(4), 381–399.
Greilinger, G. (2023). Hungary’s Eastern Opening policy as a long- term political-economic strategy. Austria Institute for Europe and Security Policy.
Gyarmati, I. (2015). Hungary: Singled out by the critics. In J. Forbrig (Ed.), A region disunited?: Central European responses to the Russia–Ukraine crisis (pp. 21–24). German Marshall Fund of the United States.
Haas, D. (2023). Explainer: What is Hungary doing in the Organisation of Turkic States? Emerging Europe. https:// emerging-europe.com/analysis/explainer-what-is-hungary- doing-in-the-organisation-of-turkic-states/
Hadfield, A. (2005). The EU and strategic culture: Virtual identity vs. uploaded preferences. Journal of Contemporary European Research, 1(1), 59–72.
Hajdú, J. (2016). The Hungarian Fundamental Law (Constitution) and the right to social security. Studies on Labour Law and Social Policy, 23, 151–173.
Hettyey, A. (2021). The Europeanization of Hungarian foreign policy and the Hungarization of European foreign policy, 2010–2018. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 29(1), 125–138.
Hettyey, A. (2022). The illusion of autonomy and new others: Role conflict and Hungarian foreign policy after 2010. Journal
of International Relations and Development, 25, 260–294. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-021-00228-w
Hungary in/And the Western Balkans. (2024). Hungarian Institute for International Affairs.
Ilikova, L., & Tushev, A. (2020). Right-wing populism in Central Europe: Hungarian case (Fidesz, Jobbik). Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, 25. https://doi.org/10.5281/ zenodo.4280161
Jenne, E. K. (2021). Populism, nationalism and revisionist foreign policy. International Affairs, 97(2), 323–343.
Jeszenszky, G. (2007). Hungary’s foreign policy dilemmas after regaining sovereignty. Society and Economy, 29(1), 43–64. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41472070
Kiss, B., & Zahorán, C. (2007). Hungarian domestic policy in foreign policy. International Issues & Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs, 16(2), 46–64. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26590892
Kiss, E. (2016). “The Hungarians have decided: They do not want illegal migrants”: Media representation of the Hungarian governmental anti-immigration campaign. Acta Humana.
Kopper, A., Szalai, A., & Góra, M. (2023). Populist foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe: Poland, Hungary and the shock of the Ukraine crisis. In P. Giurlando & D. F. Wajner (Eds.), Populist foreign policy. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi. org/10.1007/978-3-031-22773-8_4
Kuznar, L., Heath, N., & Popp, G. (2023). Strategic culture—Its history, issues, and complexity. NSI, Inc.
Lehoczki, B. (2023). Populist foreign policy of Venezuela and Hungary: Post-Westernism and its limitations. Politologický Časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science, 2, 95–115.
Meyer, C. O. (2004). Theorizing European strategic culture between convergence and the persistence of national diversity. Centre for European Policy Studies.
Moldicz, C. (2022). China and Hungary in a disrupted world: China’s policy in Hungary in 2022 (Working Paper No. 2). China–CEE Institute.
Mi, X. (2022). Strategic cultures between the EU member states: Convergence or divergence? European Security, 32(4), 558–
https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2022.2159384 Mos, M., & Macedo Piovezan, I. (2024). Leadership in
international populism: How Viktor Orbán’s Hungary shows
the way. New Perspectives, 32(4), 329–346. https://doi. org/10.1177/2336825X241282599
Müller, P., & Slominski, P. (2024). Hungary, the EU and Russia’s war against Ukraine: The changing dynamics of EU foreign
policymaking. In C. Wiesner & M. Knodt (Eds.), The war against Ukraine and the EU: Facing new realities.
Niklasson, T. (2006). Regime stability and foreign policy change: Interaction between domestic and foreign policy in Hungary 1956–1994 (Doctoral dissertation, Lund University).
Orbán, V. (2015). The Hungarians have decided: They do not want illegal migrants. https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the- prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/prime-minister- viktor-orban-s-speech-at-the-26th-congress-of-the-fidesz- hungarian-civic-union
Orbán, V. (2021). Samizdat No. 8: Hungary acted in accordance with the treaties when it vetoed. https://2015-2022. miniszterelnok.hu/hungary-acted-in-accordance-with-the- treaties-when-it-vetoed/
Orbán, V. (2021). Samizdat No. 9. https://2015-2022. miniszterelnok.hu/samizdat-no-9/
Orbán, V. (2024). Statement by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán after his talks with Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China. https://abouthungary.hu/speeches-and-remarks/
statement-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-after-his-talks-with- xi-jinping-president-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china
Rácz, A. (2011). A limited priority: Hungary and the Eastern neighbourhood. Perspectives, 19(2), 143–163. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23616149
Ralph, J., & Gaskarth, J. (2025). A pragmatist critique of progressive realism in foreign policy. International Affairs, 101(2), 623–641.
Rapcsák, J. (1994). Hungarian foreign policy—with some historical hindsight. Perspectives, 3, 71–78. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/23615756
Rizova, T. P. (2019). The securitization of the European migrant crisis: Evidence from Bulgaria and Hungary (2015–2017). Review of European Studies, 11(4).
Sadecki, A. (2020). The long shadow of the Treaty of Trianon: Hungary’s struggles with the past. Centre for Eastern Studies.
Schalk, J., Torenvlied, R., Weesie, J., & Stokman, F. (2007). The power of the presidency in EU Council decision-making. European Union Politics, 8(2), 229–250. https://doi. org/10.1177/1465116507076431
Scheppele, K. L. (2022). How Viktor Orbán wins. Journal of Democracy, 33(3), 45–61. https://doi.org/10.1353/ jod.2022.0039
Scheppele, K. L., & Morijn, J. (2024). Money for nothing? EU institutions’ uneven record of freezing EU funds to enforce EU values. Journal of European Public Policy, 32(2), 474–497. https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2024.2406275
Schmidt, A. (2024). Wedged between East and West: The chances of an interest-based Hungarian foreign policy and the war in Ukraine. Revista UNISCI Journal, 66.
Scott, J. W. (2018). Hungarian border politics as an anti-politics of the European Union. Geopolitics, 25(3), 658–677. https://doi. org/10.1080/14650045.2018.1548438
Scott, J. W. (2023). Hungary’s illiberal border politics and the exploitation of social, spatial and temporal distinctions. European Urban and Regional Studies, 31(1), 14–28. https:// doi.org/10.1177/09697764231186741
Semerádová, K. (2023). A missed window of opportunity: Migration crisis and the EU borders after 2015. Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 23(2), 126–143.
Szalai, M. (2017). The identity of smallness and its implications for foreign policy: The case of Hungary and Slovakia. Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, 25(3), 345–366.
Szunomar, A., & Peragovics, T. (2024). Rain or shine, the China– Hungary relationship can weather it all. Italian Institute for International Political Studies. https://www.ispionline.it/en/ publication/rain-or-shine-the-china-hungary-relationship-can- weather-it-all-175590
Talas, P., & Csiki, T. (n.d.). Strategic culture in Hungary. In H. Biehl,
B. Giegerich, & A. Jonas (Eds.), Strategic cultures in Europe: Security and defence policies across the continent. Springer.
Tárnok, B. (2024). What can we expect from the 2024 Hungarian EU presidency? In M. Szabó, L. Gyeney, & P. L. Lancos (Eds.), Hungarian yearbook of international law and European law 2024. Nomos.
Tarrósy, I., & Vörös, Z. (2014). Hungary’s global opening to an interpolar world. Politeja, 28, 139–162. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/24919657
Tarrósy, I., & Vörös, Z. (2020). Hungary’s pragmatic foreign policy in a post-American world. Politics in Central Europe, 16(1). https://doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0006
Tellis, A. J. (2016). Understanding strategic cultures. In Strategic Asia 2016–17 (pp. 4–16). National Bureau of Asian Research.
Teslar, A. (2015). Endre Ady and the “ferry country.” In B. Sándor &
D. István (Eds.), 4th International Conference on Hungarian Studies of Doctoral Schools. International Cultural Association of Hungary.
Thomson, R. (2008). The Council presidency in the European Union: Responsibility with power. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 46(3), 593–617.
Tökés, R. (1996). Political transition and social transformation in Hungary. Revista CIDOB d’Afers Internacionals, 34/35, 79–101. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40585629
Vandecasteele, B., & Bossuyt, F. (2014). Assessing EU Council presidencies: (Conditions for) success and influence. Comparative European Politics, 12. https://doi.org/10.1057/ cep.2013.1
Varga, T. C. (2021). Hungary’s new national security strategy – A critical analysis. Institute for Strategic and Defense Studies, University of Public Service, Ludovika.
Végh, Z. (2015). Hungary’s “Eastern Opening” policy toward Russia: Ties that bind? International Issues & Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs, 24(1–2), 47–65. https://www.jstor.org/ stable/26591857
Végh, Z. (2021). Central Europe’s radical right and EU foreign policy.
German Marshall Fund of the United States.
Vida, K. (2011). The Hungarian presidency of the EU Council in a nutshell. Institute for World Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Vida, K. (2011). Evaluation of the first Hungarian EU Council presidency. Real Instituto Elcano.
Visnovitz, P., & Jenne, E. K. (2021). Populist argumentation in foreign policy: The case of Hungary under Viktor Orbán, 2010–2020. Comparative European Politics, 19(6), 683–702.
Vizi, B. (2011). The Hungarian presidency of the Council of the European Union: Focus on the neighbourhood and on a European Roma strategy. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe.
Warntjen, A. (2008). The Council presidency: Power broker or burden? An empirical analysis. European Union Politics, 9(3), 315–338. https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116508093487
White, G. W. (1992). Territorial dimensions of Hungarian ethnic identity. Yearbook of the Association of Pacific Coast Geographers, 54, 23–48. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/24040155
Zandee, D., & Kruijver, K. (2019). The challenge of a shared strategic culture in Europe. Atlantisch Perspectief, 43(5), 27–32. http://www.jstor.org/stable/48581513
Downloads
Article Metrics Graph
Article Details

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
https://orcid.org/0009-0002-4778-2970