La Revue africaine de science politique est la publication phare de l'Association africaine de science politique. Il s'agit d'une revue scientifique en libre accès et strictement à comité de lecture dédiée à l'étude du politique dans toutes ses dimensions et mutations dans les sociétés africaines et noires en général. Cette revue s'adresse à la fois aux lecteurs universitaires et non universitaires intéressés par diverses perspectives sur les questions politiques auxquelles sont confrontés l'Afrique et le monde noir. Elle vise à contribuer à développer, renforcer et diversifier les études des phénomènes politiques de toutes les manières souhaitables. La revue soutient les objectifs de l'Association et publiera de temps à autre les colloques et conférences de l'Association.
Licensing information Creative Commons CC Attribution 4.0 International Public License © Author(s)
The Domestication of the United Nations, Convention on the Rights of the Child in South Africa
The domestication of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in South Africa presents a critical constitutional commitment towards protecting the rights of children. The paper reflects on the right to basic education as provided in Section 28 of the Constitution of South Africa and related key policy frameworks. This research examines the extent to which the CRC has been effectively translated into practice, focusing specifically on access to basic education for orphans and vulnerable children in South Africa. Based on primary findings obtained through qualitative research, the study shows that while judicial and policy frameworks reference the CRC, systemic inequalities persist, and the efficacy of the process is undermined by systematic inequalities, poor infrastructure and resource allocation, and socio-economic barriers faced by vulnerable children. The situation is further impeded by a lack of monitoring mechanisms, effective enforcement, accountability and political governance from policymakers.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Raymond Chirowamhangu, Ruth T Nyamadzawo (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Electoral Participation and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
The quality of democracy is largely determined by the level and nature of citizens’ political participation. In Nigeria, however, democratic participation continues to face challenges linked to institutional weakness, electoral malpractice, insecurity, and elite dominance. This study examines patterns of political participation in the 2015, 2019 and 2023 presidential elections to evaluate voter turnout, electoral competitiveness, and citizens’ trust in the electoral process. Employing a comparative descriptive research design, the study drew on documentary and quantitative data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), national survey reports, and scholarly publications. Anchored on political participation and elite theories, the study explored how citizen engagement and elite control shape electoral behaviour and democratic outcomes. Findings reveal a consistent decline in voter turnout across the three election cycles, driven by widespread disillusionment, poor institutional credibility, and the perception that elections seldom influence governance outcomes. The study concludes that the sustainability of democracy in Nigeria depends on strengthening electoral integrity, deepening political accountability, and restoring citizens’ confidence in electoral institutions. It recommends comprehensive electoral reforms, inclusive political processes, and civic education as key strategies for enhancing political participation and consolidating democracy.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Amobi Chiamogu, Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Rise and Fall of Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF): Postcolonial Rethinking of Ethnic and Language-Based Federalism in Africa
The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) emerged as an ethno-nationalist political movement on February 18, 1975, initiating an armed struggle primarily based in Dedebit, North-western Tigray. The movement’s initial political program was rooted in pro-Albanian socialist theory and included the establishment of a Republic of Greater Tigray. However, shifts in the global geopolitical architecture, particularly the dissolution of the Cold War order, significantly altered the movement’s objectives and provided a strategic avenue for the seizure of central state power. Following a seventeen-year insurgency against the socialist military government known as the Derg. The predecessor was also a socialist military junta that deposed Ethiopia’s last Emperor, King Haile Selassie. The TPLF successfully overthrew the Derg junta in 1991. Subsequently, the TPLF founded the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition that established a system of ethnic and linguistic federalism structured around a multiparty framework organised along ethno-regional lines. For three decades, the TPLF served as the dominant force within the EPRDF coalition, consolidating control over the nation’s political, military, and economic institutions. This sustained period of institutional capture and its attendant narrow political agenda precipitated widespread mass protests beginning in 2015. This grassroots mobilisation ultimately resulted in a significant internal political transition within the EPRDF coalition in 2018, leading to the TPLF’s loss of control over the central executive authority. This study employs a rigorous qualitative, single-case study research design, framed within a critical postcolonial perspective. The primary objective is to undertake a systematic investigation into the confluence of postcolonial governance structures, tribal party politics, and ethnic-based federalism, examining their function as sources of conformity or contradiction and assessing their resultant impact on state stability and institutional resilience in Ethiopia. The article may be categorised as a historical trajectory and institutional analysis of ethno-federalism in Ethiopia.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Seife T.K (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
“Marx has become a functional, philosophical, ancestral mentor-surrogate for intellectuals either ignorant of, or simply deprived of, their own philosophical lineages — they are intellectual orphans” (Ayi Kwei Armah in Masks and Marx: The Marxist Ethos vis-à-vis African Revolutionary Theory and Praxis 1984).
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Masilo Lepuru (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Freedom Denied: Unraveling the Paradox of Zimbabwe's Post-Independence Struggle for Liberty
This paper delves into the absence of freedom in post-independent Zimbabwe, questioning prevailing notions of freedom. Motivated by recent social movements in Zimbabwe, it explores the realities of freedom in this context. The main research question is, “To what extent can the freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era be assessed?” The study draws on Western and non-Western political philosophy and includes narrative interviews with Zimbabweans. While existing literature debates the nation’s freedom status, this study, grounded in pan-African perspectives, asserts that Zimbabwe, like other African nations, has yet to achieve genuine freedom despite the presence of freedom-enabling elements. The crux lies in the predominantly Western lens through which freedom is viewed. Western conceptions, insufficient in an African context, overlook key aspects of African culture—communality and economic freedom. The paper challenges the universal applicability of Western notions of freedom in Africa, positing that understanding freedom requires appreciating Zimbabwe's distinct cultural and economic paradigms. The article concludes that without a representative definition, freedom in Zimbabwe cannot be accurately assessed. To move towards true freedom, Zimbabwe and other African countries must decolonize the concept of freedom, focusing on reducing social and economic gaps to enhance communal and economic freedom.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Alisa Adams (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Should Should South Africa Embrace a Feminist Foreign Policy to Respond to Gender Inequality?
This qualitative study seeks to critically examine whether South Africa can adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) that speaks against biphobia, transphobia, homophobia, sexism, inequality, and patriarchy. The authors argue that South Africa should consider adopting a feminist foreign policy that is gender inclusive of women, children, and gender non-conforming persons. Currently, South Africa does not describe its policy as feminist but rather as having women on the foreign policy agenda, i.e., women’s representation in parliament. We argue that the state has failed to oppose all forms of gender dominance and oppression. During the second Presidential Summit on Gender Based Violence and Femicide (GBVF) in November 2022, President Cyril Ramaphosa reiterated GBVF as the first pandemic in SA, as we continuously see the increase of rape and murders against women, children, and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) community. This study, therefore, sought to critically unpack the possibility of a safe and inclusive South Africa for women, children and gender non-conforming persons through the adoption and implementation of a feminist foreign policy. The first country that implemented the feminist foreign policy was Sweden. The goal of Sweden’s policy implementation in 2014 was to address the country’s gender disparity issues, and as a result, they also sought to consider all gender perspectives in all policy creation and decision-making. The researchers reflect on Sweden’s foreign policy from a feminist perspective as possible lessons for South Africa and attempt to clarify South Africa’s position with regard to gender emancipation and whether this could serve as a platform to implement a feminist foreign policy.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Gillian Mrubula-Ngwenya, Lebogang T. Legodi, Sethuthuthu L. Vuma, Makhura B. Rapanyane (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Perceived Successes and Failures of the Privatization Process in Zambia’s Third Republic
Different views have been expressed on privatization implementation in Zambia. However, there is no consensus on this subject. Some scholars have indicated that Zambia has the most successful story on privatization in Sub-Saharan Africa (World Bank, 1996; Buchs, 2003). Still, others have rejected what one would state as the success of the programme in Zambia. This paper aimed to determine some of the successes and failures of the privatization process in Zambia, spanning 1991 to date. The research is based on a secondary literature review and a desk-based study. A number of data sources have been reviewed to show the successes and failures of privatization in Zambia and they include books, research articles, Parliament Acts, newspapers, and online databases. Among the perceived success stories associated with the privatization process in Zambia include an increased flow of investments into the country, employment creation and promotion of competition among the different players in the industry. The study established some failures that came along with the privatization process, which include lack of transparency, adequacy of the arrangements for ensuring that ownership of the advertised companies is broadly distributed to Zambian citizens and failure to generate the desired economic growth and reduce poverty, in fact, the privatization process led to an increase in poverty levels. It is also associated with mass redundancies, unpaid pensions, unfair competition, poor tax system and abandonment of public services. The study further established that privatization led to increased social inequality, loss of cultural heritage, and loss of control and sovereignty. It also has an Impact on Indigenous Communities. Despite different views being advocated by neo-classical economic theorists, liberal theorists and radical scholars, this study concludes that privatization in Zambia seems to have benefited only a few who have been its proponents and that its impact on the environment and social well-being of Zambians has been adverse.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Enos Phiri (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The book ‘Riotous Deathscapes’ by Hugo Ka Canham proposes Mpondo Theory as a both a black and indigenous way of understanding life and death. Canham writes with a deep sense of emotion. These are emotions that reveal the author’s deep connections with Mpondoland. One is not surprised by this, seeing how, the author has previously written on subjects such as protest and black rage in prior works (see Canham, 2017; 2018; 2024).
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Kudzaiishe Peter Vanyoro (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
What do the 2025 G20 Decisions Mean for Africa?
The 2025 G20 Summit held on 22-23 November 2025 in Johannesburg under South Africa’s presidency marked a turning point in how global financial and development issues are framed, particularly for Africa. For the first time, a G20 declaration is structured explicitly around solidarity, equality, and sustainability—principles that reflect long-standing African priorities. The declaration states that leaders commit to “rebuilding a fairer, more inclusive and more resilient global economy”—language that resonates deeply with African calls for an equitable global financial order. This framing empowers Africa to push for long-overdue reforms in development finance, debt restructuring, and access to climate finance.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Siphamandla Zondi (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Inclusion Financiere Des Femmes Entrepreneures Sud Africaines
Le papié examine le sujet de l’inclusion financière et de l’autonomisation des femmes en Afrique du Sud. Hormis la techiqualité et……….qui affectent l’inclusion financière des femmes, l’étude analysera les mesures existantes du gouvernement sur l’inclusion financière pour determiner si cette dernière contribue à l’autonomie socio-économique des entrepreneurs en Afrique du sud. L’étude utilise la perpective de l’économie politique féministe pour comprendre l’éxclusion historique de la femme en Afrique du sud et en ce qui concerne l’équart des sexes comme résultat. Les effets du colonialisme en Afrique du Sud sur l’inégalité des sexes,structurelle, psychologique et de la dégradation culturelle,et de la manière dont ces derniers ont affecte la participation dans les relations sociales et economiques dans le secteur de finance du pays,font parti des efforts pour comprendre l’inclusion financière et l’autonomie des femmes. Le ressentiment,l’éxclusion et la contrainte sont des consequences inévitables de la pauvreté et l’inégalité après l’apartheid en Afrique du Sud. Malgrés les efforts concertés mis en place par l’Etat pour résoudre ce problème,y compris assurant que la femme et la fille ont accès au finance et l’égalité des sexes,dans les droits constitutionnels(comme contenu dans la politique nationale) ,le problème reste inchangé. Utilisant l’approche de la method qualitative,base sur la recherche d’attitude de nature éxploratoire,l’étude esperait de mieux comprendre,venant des littératures disponible,aussi bien des reponses des repondants,dans l’inclusion/exclusion financière,et comment ceci impacte l’autonomie des femmes en Afrique du Sud. Mots clés:Inclusion Financière,Développement inclusive,économie politique,L’autonomie des femmes,Afrique du Sud.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Tinuade Ojo (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Parliamentary Oversight over the Policing of Gender and Women’s Concerns in Cameroon
Countries have long advocated for gender equality, emphasising the importance of women’s representation in parliament. The prevalent belief that women can more effectively represent women’s concerns than men is subject to debate. Globally, women are underrepresented in all levels of socio-political hierarchies and are often distant from decision-making processes. These challenges persist in social, economic, and political structures, including parliamentary systems. This research specifically delves into the challenges faced by parliamentarians in addressing gender issues and women’s concerns in the CNA. The study was conducted at the Cameroon National Assembly (CNA) located in Yaoundé and focused on the members of parliament (MPs) who served during the 2013-2019 Parliamentary session, constituting a total population of 180 MPs. This research employed a qualitative methodology that encompassed both descriptive and explanatory elements. The researchers utilised convenience and purposive sampling techniques, leading to the participation of 5 female MPs and 4 male MPs in the study. According to Johnson (2006), it is noted that saturation typically manifests around 8 participants within a homogeneous group; hence, the intentional inclusion of 4 men and 5 women MPs aimed to achieve saturation and depth in the study. The primary method of data collection involved using semi-structured, open-ended interview guides and tape recordings to ensure comprehensive data acquisition from the respondents. The identities and real names of the respondents were deliberately omitted from the presentation of findings. The results revealed that gender issues are not effectively addressed in parliament. As a result, most policies enacted and projects undertaken by members of the CNA remain mostly gender neutral/blind, with gender issues often going unrecognised or being dismissed during sessions. Therefore, it is highly recommended to raise awareness among MPs in the CNA and build their capacity to be more gender sensitive and responsive in discussing topics during sessions and other parliamentary activities.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Ndive Jemea IKome (2026) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The DRC Membership of the East African Community
On March 29, 2022, the Democratic Republic of the Congo was admitted to the East African Community as a new member. The country’s civil wars and existing terrorist groups in its Eastern parts pose a major national security concern to Tanzania and the region. The paper analyzes the existing quantitative data that describes trade volume between the DRC and the EAC with a focus on Tanzania’s benefit and national security concerns of the DRC’s membership. It analyzes the existing literature and Armed Conflict Location and Data (ACLED) tool to identify national security threats to Tanzania and the bloc at large. It finds, among others, that DRC’s membership is likely to have a positive effect on the EAC trade, as the bloc is expected to be a cheaper source for DRC’s imports compared to the rest of the world. In turn, the DRC is likely to export even more primary commodities to the region, but some EAC countries may benefit more than others in this. It also points to security dynamics.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Seleman Yusuph Kitenge, Brian Chaggu (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), the country’s largest infrastructure project since its 1963 independence, was initially seen as a mutually advantageous endeavour for both Kenya and China. For China, the SGR complemented its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), while President Uhuru Kenyatta viewed it as a monumental infrastructure development that would solidify his legacy. This article critically assesses Kenyatta’s infrastructure legacy, with a particular focus on the parliamentary transport committee’s proposal to renegotiate the SGR loan terms with China. Drawing on both secondary and primary sources, including the SGR loan agreements, the analysis indicates that the project was driven more by political interests than by genuine developmental needs. Kenyatta kept the SGR deal’s details confidential and bypassed important oversight institutions. The leaked Auditor General’s letter claiming that Mombasa Port had been used as collateral for the railway, raised concerns about a potential debt trap scenario with China. The article concludes that the SGR was primarily a Kenyan initiative, with the ensuing debt distress attributable to poor decision-making processes within the president’s executive office, thereby necessitating calls for renegotiation of the loan terms.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Hellen Adogo, Tinuade Ojo, Chidochashe Nyere (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Social Media Regulation and Autocratisation in Nigeria under Buhari
The digital revolution has exponentially transformed all facets of life, including governance systems across states and citizens’ engagement in contemporary contexts. It has occasioned seamless platforms for the expression of dissents and critique of governments in demand for good governance and accountability. Social media is empowering previously voiceless citizens with the freedom to express themselves and participate in public discourse. Unfortunately, the disposition of the government in regulating the new media space goes beyond gagging the press to repression. The state is gradually sinking into the swamp of authoritarianism characterized by numerous reactionary complexes. This paper, therefore, attempts a polemical analysis of shrinking civic space and freedom of expression manifesting through the social media regulation bill as a major indicator of autocratisation in Nigeria. It also sees excessive regulation of social media as a policy which could, when merged with a suppressed judiciary and weak legislature, result in authoritarian rule in Nigeria. Secondary data sources were utilized for the study, which argues that disobedience to court orders and the use of state institutions to suppress political opposition contribute to the erosion of democracy in Nigeria. The paper contends that, despite the widespread penetration and usage of the internet and social media in Nigeria, the Buhari administration has adopted authoritarian practices while maintaining a stance on fundamental rights and citizens’ participation in public affairs. Freedom of expression, speech and media independence are greatly under siege.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Charles A. Obiora, Amobi P. Chiamogu, Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Peacebuilding is an approach to a complete lay down of interconnected efforts that sustain peace. It aims to transform beliefs, attitudes and behaviours to change the short- and long-term dynamics between individuals and groups toward a more stable and peaceful coexistence. However, the role of African Union (AU) in peacebuilding in Africa is basically situated in building a strong democratic institutions that would promote democratic principle in its member states; stopping unconstitutional change of government; promote constitutional governance; developing a strong peace and security council (PSC) with the task of maintain peace and security and the adoption of norms or principle that would permit intervention into the member state internal affairs. Whatever the situation of the continent is, the fact is that AU role in peacebuilding on the continent has gained little attention due to the numerous challenges that the Union is facing. As such most conflicts remain unresolved, while most member states still received the threat of unconstitutional changes. This article seeks to examine the AU role in peacebuilding on the continent.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Sunday Aboumbeng Asumbeng (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The establishment of French Operation Barkhane is pivotal in addressing counterterrorism and the restoration of stability within the Sahel region. This military initiative represents a collective intervention that encompasses both France and the G5 Sahel states, operating through four military bases under French command. Various scholarly analyses perceive this operation as a deviation from France’s traditional military policy in Africa; however, its conduct is indicative of a continued reinforcement of French imperial interests on the continent. This study aligns with existing literature, positing that Operation Barkhane is fundamentally a military intervention shaped by the dynamics of Francafrique policy, which appears to marginalize the EU-AU Peace and Security framework. The French military operation failed to
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Akinkunmi Afeez Akinlabi (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Adebayo Adedeji and Prebisch are revered as generational thinkers and exemplars of regional economic integration in Africa and Latin America. Both have addressed unequal wealth distribution and unfavourable conditions that lead to underdevelopment. They sought to promote domestic development concepts rather than accept a global blanket prescription for resolving the underdevelopment problem. In addition, their worldview influenced thousands of young intellectuals and activists on both continents. Their experience and unique views on the role of regional integration in establishing economic space and political differentiation were invaluable. They helped the UN embrace local intellectual thought as a development principle. Their intellectual and personal qualities allowed them to argue for reviving economic principles in both regions’ development policies. Adedeji mocked the Bretton Woods institutions for their determination to tout success stories from SAPs despite all evidence to the contrary. This paper compares their philosophical framework to today’s economic and development concerns.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Seife T.K, T.A. Ojo (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Women Voices in Inter-Party Debates during the 2021 Ethiopian General Elections
In Ethiopia, multiparty elections are being organised every five years. For the 2021 general election, 47 parties were registered and more than 9,300 candidates ran for seats, of which, 1, 982 were women candidates. This study explored women candidates’ participation in election debates during the 2021 Ethiopian general elections. Using qualitative approach and content analysis technique, 35 television debates streamed in six stations were watched and analysed. Moreover, media legal documents and election reports are reviewed in gender lens. The findings revealed that the Ethiopia mainstream media cover men and women politicians differently during election campaign. The frequency of parties’ appearance in television debates and their gender representation are found to vary depending on the issues discussed and the media style of coverage. Female politicians were primarily being featured under the theme of gender, health, and education debates. Moreover, women candidates’ role in the election debates was limited in introducing and summarising their party policies while their men counterparts took the modest air time to present the details of the policy alternatives and to criticise the existing policies.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Seblewongiel Ayenalem Kidanie (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
The Significance of the African Development Bank on the Occasion of Its recent Presidential Election
On 29 May, marking the end of the Africa month, and at the conclusion of its meeting on ‘“Making Africa’s Capital Work Better for Africa’s Development”, the African Development Bank elected Sidi Ould Tah of Mauritania as its president.Tah faces a mammoth task to deliver now an agenda that is old but remains elusive.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Siphamandla Zondi (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Analysing the manipulation of the youths, election violence and democratic retrogression in South Africa
Since the introduction of elective democracy in the 1990s, South African youths have played a significant role in the democratic process. Sadly though, while some are building from the past experiences of the 1976 youths, others are deeply engrossed into crimes, violence, and thuggery. Several factors have been identified as the drivers of South African youths into different forms of criminalities. Prominent among them are the pauperization of the youths by the state, unemployment, and their manipulation by the political elite. Rather than replicating the character of the youths of the 1970s who fought for better education and life as well as the freedom of the black population during the dark days of apartheid, some youths have taken to drugs, election violence while others have become personal security to top politicians owing to difficult economic hardship. The paper opined that to address this anomaly, there is the need for the South African youths to rediscover themselves by positioning themselves into politics and never expect the government to empower them cheaply. Also, the voice of the youths must not only be heard but be felt through character, integrity, disciplined and quality leadership. Through this, they will be able to shape policies and direction of government, and the future of many unborn generations. The qualitative research techniques were used for this study. Data was collected through interviews and focus group discussions in five sampled locations in KwaZulu-Natal. The thematic and inductive method of analysis was used in aiding the analysis of the generated data.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Ibrahim Yusuf Didamson (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Electoral Violence and Political Alienation in Africa
The research investigated the impact of electoral violence on voter alienation in Africa using Nigeria as a case. It attempted to ascertain the cause of low turnout of voters in the 2019 general elections and to determine the extent to which violence in elections can affect participation by gender, age and educational status. The aim of the study was to find out the relationship between violence and alienation in the Nigerian electoral process. The study adopted the survey research design and used data elicited from a sample of 1,200 respondents selected from six local government areas representing the six geo-political zones. The simple percentages and Chi- Square statistical techniques were utilized to test and determine the degree of association intrinsic in the stated hypotheses. The findings from the study show a positive relationship between violence and alienation. Thus, electoral violence is responsible for the alienation of voters from the electoral process. Consequently, the following suggestions are made: The federal and state governments should put on modalities to mitigate the incidences of violence during elections; perpetrators of electoral violence should be sanctioned; accordingly, while the African Union should closely monitor the various African States electoral processes to sanction any breach and mitigate incidences of violence in elections.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : God'stime Igiebor (2025) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
Africa stands at a crossroads, a continent of immense potential yet facing a complex web of political, social, and economic challenges. In an era marked by rapid globalization, technological advancement, and shifting geopolitical alliances, the political questions confronting Africa today are both urgent and consequential. From debates about governance and democratization to struggles over resource management and economic justice, the continent's future is shaped by forces both internal and external.
The African Union continues to be seized with the task to build the Africa we want as outlined in the African Agenda 2063. This agenda should lead to a stronger, more peaceful and more prosperous Africa. It should lead to strong and effective institutions. It should produce more responsible leadership and accountable governments across the continent. It is expected that the road to 2063 must see inclusive economic growth and development marked by the participation of small and medium size enterprises and informal entrepreneurs that Africa has in abundance.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Siphamandla Zondi (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The Spiralling of Corporate Corruption and the Plummeting of Corporate Governance and Ethical Leadership in African Institutions
Generally, several factors around the corporate world influence different nations technologically, socially, economically, and politically. Specifically, this paper focuses on the African continent’s politics concerning corporate corruption, corporate governance, and ethical leadership. This study aims to critically reflect on and evaluate the significance of curbing and combating corruption, promoting governance and ethics in Africa, and furthering and practising those principles. It employed a theoretical, qualitative content analysis approach in which a critical evaluation of relevant in-depth literature review was used and conducted to achieve the study objective. The results of this study revealed that: Incompetent and unethical leaders succumb to corruption, causing Africa's corruption to spiral out of control. Competent and ethical leaders, on the other hand, resist corruption; African leaders and authorities should take steps to fight corruption through ethics and governance; African corporations have become increasingly corrupt; corporate governance and ethical leadership have declined in Africa; African politicians have uncurbed power to advance their private gains, and finally, African leaders need to change their mindsets and cultures to achieve economic growth. This study emphasizes and reiterates the importance of dealing effectively with corporate corruption and advancing governance and ethics to benefit the African population and the continent. It further provides a broad and deeper understanding of corruption, ethics, and governance. The conceptual, strategic model provided by this study may be selected and used by African leaders, authorities, boards of directors, shareholders, and Chief Executive Officers (CEOs), as a tool to address corruption in African organizations and institutions.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Hlalele Matebese (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
This year marks 60 years since the establishment of the first inter-state institution for Africa, the Organisation of African Unity. It was established principally to support the achievement of independence and political freedom by African colonies during a decade that is associated with the idea of winds of change. Political sovereignty through the control of the nation-state was seen as critical to the achievement of the ideals of Pan-Africanism, including African unity, African pride, cohesion, and common African prosperity.
Memoirs are usually one of the best avenues to understand people’s lives. They provide a first-hand account of one’s life from different perspectives. One of the problems with them is that they are expectedly full of biases. It is difficult for a memoirist to criticize herself and reveal everything. Perhaps at first glance, this is what one might expect from a memoir of a person like Essop Pahad (1939-2023). However, it is a marvelous work that offers a reader with great historical accounts of events and life well lived. Pahad served as the Minister in the Presidency from 1999 until 2008 under former President Thabo Mbeki who wrote a foreword to this book, “I am happy to commend this educative tour through many decades of exciting struggles for our liberation and a better world, as contained in this autobiography” (p17). To have served Thabo Mbeki for such a long time and remained his close ally for years is a significant sign that Pahad was a distinguished politician and intellectual in his own right.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Sbonelo Radebe (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
This book review explores "Township Politics: Civic Struggle for a New South Africa," offering a comprehensive assessment of its content and significance. Delving into the intricate dynamics of grassroots movements during the post-apartheid era, the review highlights the author's adept storytelling and sociopolitical analysis. By humanizing the historical narrative through the voices of ordinary citizens and community leaders, the book succeeds in providing a nuanced understanding of the challenges and triumphs inherent in civic engagement within South African townships. The critique acknowledges the strength of the book's dual approach, combining historical documentation with insightful analysis, while also considering the potential challenge posed by its level of detail. Overall, the review positions "Township Politics" as a compelling and essential read for those seeking a profound exploration of post-apartheid South Africa and the transformative power of grassroots activism.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Mpho Moalamedi (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
The year 2023 ended with the world on the precipice. The war in Gaza, a disproportionate Israeli military response to Hamas attack on a festival in Israel, is among the deadliest in decades. More than 20 000 people, mostly civilians including women and children had been killed in the Israeli bombing campaign to avenge the Hamas killing of 120 in October. Thousands have been displaced and injured
Developmental Integration and Industrialisation in Southern Africa
A corpus of literature emphasises the need for industrialisation and integration if states belonging to regional blocs aspire to prosper economically, politically, socially, technologically and culturally. In Southern Africa, gains have been made mainly in political cooperation and solidarity but remain desperately underdeveloped regarding regional integration. Yet, current realities made evident through the advent of Covid 19 pandemic, the ongoing climate change-induced crisis, the energy crisis and the vexing challenges of migration call for the urgent need for regions that ought to foster and prioritise developmental integration and industrialisation. The text, Developmental Integration and Industrialisation in Southern Africa by Siphumelele Duma exposes this glaring gap in the literature by taking stock of the developmental integration and industrialisation matrix of the region whilst at the same time proffering solutions on what needs to be done for the realisation of the critical goals of these notions.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Alexander Rusero (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Governance defines how political actors use ethical or corrupt practices to influence mass participation in political decision-making in public affairs. This article interrogates the implications of the elite monopoly of power for development and public safety in Nigeria. We anchored the study on Pareto’s circulation of elite theory. It adopts a qualitative method to collect secondary data which are content and thematically analyzed. Results indicated that the gap between the elite and the citizenry threatens the development and public safety in Nigeria. This article concludes that elitism should not only socially engage with the citizenry, but it should also reproduce egalitarian political values and actors for inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic destiny. Drawing on the values of the conceptual lions (oselu) of Pareto to scare his conceptual foxes (ojelu) vices out of political domination through electoral re-socialization could neutralize elite conspiracy against the majority and boost the capacity of vulnerable Nigerians to initiate and implement development and public safety defenses. It suggests that a true fiscal federalism predicated on ethical reorientation in politics could reinvent Nigeria, and relieve her of the burden of underdevelopment and insecurity into which elite avarice has plunged the country.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Johnson Oluwole Ayodele, Jane Adebusuyi (2024) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0